(Uyghur couple)
Uyghur women with respect to the marriage institution display a situation in which they have little to no power and status in Xinjiang. In 1950, The Women's Federation in China was established, as well as a marriage charter that stated marriage could only occur if there was love and approval from both the bride and groom and that widows could also remarry.
1 These changes alone show the previous status of women, one that was low. Although the requirements for this union changed legally, parental involvement in marriage still occurs, mostly in rural areas. Uyghur parents assert their engagement in arranging their children's marriage, especially for daughters, in order to ensure the perpetuation of their tradition and culture into future generations.
2 Hence, women are left with no choice in the selection of their spouse but rather, it is controlled by their parents. Xiaowei Zang, however, states that arranged marriages have declined in urban areas and also the age of marriage has increased due to modernization, which has exposed individuals to contemporary values and increased the status of women.
3 The problem with this analysis is that it excludes rural regions and moreover, the degree to which modernization affects a society varies across the globe, families, individuals, cultures, etc. Women in Western societies are exposed to modern values and yet, their status is still low when viewing the gendered segregation in childcare and chores; therefore, modernization is not a key factor to a raised status as Zang argues.
(Uyghur marriage)
On a side note, Zang argues that arranged marriages are less common amongst the Han for they are more advanced and are a more open-minded ethnic group than the Uyghurs.
4 Zang continues on to say that arranged marriages make Uyghurs “feudal” and “weak”.
5 The illustration this statement provides is irrational for arranged marriages is a cultural practice that cannot simply categorize individuals as primitive. Such practices hold sentiments and cultural relevance that goes beyond being just an “old” custom. Zang's argument also becomes weak for she suggests that the Uyghurs lack of advancement and being an intolerant ethnicity is likely to cause arranged marital unions. One must look at the context of societies in order to understand why such a custom takes place, rather than placing the cause on a community alone. Furthermore, this resembles more of an opinion than actual fact and does not take into consideration that even in ethnic groups, individuals are different and make various choices that do not always mirror their community's .
Additionally, most Uyghur homes are dominated by the males in handling economics. Women are to not only raise their children but also help in caring for the livestock that can “take up to several hours of their day.”
6 Men in turn buy and sell the family's livestock in markets and the money that comes out of it is put under their control.
7 Women are aiding in caring for the animals that essentially are providing for the families but do not get a share of the profits. Even though 50% of Uyghur families' income comes from the work women put in, it is still not validated as work and instead, it is viewed as a form of aid they are responsible for.
8 Yet, women do gain some economic power for many keep the money they make out of selling doppas (hat) they have sewn themselves.
9 The downside to this is that it is considered to be a “craft” and leisurely activity that does not signify work in the eyes of men.
10 The status of Uyghur women in marriages is low for their contribution to their family's livelihood is not valued as they do not get paid for it like their husbands do. When they do earn money for their work, it is still not deemed as work for it is acknowledged as a hobby.
What is more, daughters lack authority in selecting their spouse for they are observed as a “repository of their family's honour.”
11 Motherhood is a role that includes being the defender of Islam for they pass down the culture and religion to their children so they are “supervised” by their parents to ensure they remain pure and good.
12 Hence, they have less power than males because they have an image thrust upon them to be pious and good girls for future suitors, which will in turn reflect on their family's ability to raise “proper” daughters. Finally, Uyghur females have less rights than men in marriages since men are portrayed as more vital to the Uyghur society. Uyghur men are given more autonomy and status for they must “compete with non-Muslims” in the workforce in order to upheld the Uyghurs position in Xinjiang.
13 Due to the conflict between the Uyghurs and the Han, the Uyghurs feel threatened by their rivals' influence in the labour market (as we will learn later). Sons are given more authority in marriages since they are fulfilling their duty in ensuring their continuance against the Han. In today's world, a career and money entails respect, success and autonomy and since many rural Uyghur women do not have a career, they do not achieve such attributes. Consequently, this has left women with a role that is not given as much deference as males in marriages.
Masculinity is another factor that is contributing to the pressure of traditional roles on women that lower their position in society. Men do not help with household duties for they fear being ridiculed and labeled as a "passive or submissive husband."
14 If men are not superior in marriages, they are called Simahun, who was a male character from a drama series that was controlled by his wife and listened to her demands.
15 Notions of masculinity are not only preventing egalitarian marriages but also reinforcing the submission of women in the Uyghur community.
